Sanjeev Kumar & Pankaj Jha 

Now-a-days, different tools are available that are being employed to assess the electors’ mood and preferences. Technology is also being used in a big way in the field of election studies. However, whatsoever method is being employed, there is always a limitation to accurately assess the human behaviour. Nevertheless, there are some time-tested methods which are helpful in better assessing the people’s pulse. Extensive and largely informal interaction with the people is one such effective method. Therefore, we at the IESAI chose this method to explore and analyze the electoral behavior in the just concluded UP assembly elections. However, we have also conducted several formal interviews. Our broad objective was to understand how the people perceive the electoral politics and what actually drive them to participate in the electoral democracy rather than to engage in the prediction exercise (read Exit Polls). Following this general theme that indeed was our guiding principle, the IESAI team visited different constituencies of UP from 1st February 2017 to 8th march, 2017. In total, 53 constituencies from 23 districts had been covered. In the span of over a month, we have conducted interviews of journalists, candidates contesting the assembly election, local leaders and Panchayat representatives. What is more, we have extensively interacted with the people (the potential voters). This whole exercise has been very rewarding in the form of several unique aspects relating to the people’s thinking process, their understanding of democracy and their mode of political participation. Moreover, we got to know many interesting narratives that explain how the common people interact with the political class.

Broadly, the objective of the team was to understand the following issues:

·         What do a common person, a political representative and a local political worker understand by democracy in general and elections in particular?

·         Why do the people vote?

·         What are the people’s expectations and local dialogues concerning elections and voting preferences?

·         What do the people think about demonetization and how has it influenced their voting behaviour?

·         What are the prospects of different political parties in the UP Assembly Election 2017? 

IESAI team collected both qualitative and quantitative data and narratives. For the quantitative data, a brief structured questionnaire has been used to study 53 constituencies and these 53 constituencies have been randomly selected (maintaining the ratio of reserved and unreserved constituencies). On the other hand, the qualitative data constitute individual narratives, group discussions, parties’ rallies, Jansabhas, Nukkad Natak, Target group meetings, Tea stalls, and discussion in the train, coffee house, University campus, Library and other public spheres. The list of area covered by the team is given below.

Table 1: Area Covered by IESAI Team

First Phase

S. No.

Districts

Constituencies

1

Shamli

Kairana, Shamli,

2

Muzaffar Nagar

Budhana, Purqazi, MujjafarNagar, Khatauli

3

Meerut

Meerut (Urban), Hastinapur, Sardhana, Kithore

4

GautabBuddha Nagar

Dadri

5

Aligarh

Aligarh, Iglas

6

Gaziyabad

Loni, Mradnagar

7

Mathura

Mathura, Govardhan

Second Phase

8

Rampur

Bilaspur, Rampur, Milak, Chamarua,

9

Baraily

Baheri, Meerganj

10

Pilibhit

Pilibhit,

Third Phase

11

Lucknow

Lucknow East, Mohanlalganj

12

Kanpur (dehat)

Rasulabad, sikandara

Fourth Phase

13

Jhansi

Jhansi Nagar, Mauranipur

14

Allahabad

Phulpur, Soraon

Fifth Phase

16

Sultanpur

Sultanpur, Kadipur

17

Amethi

Amethi, Jgdishpur

Sixth Phase

19

Gorakhpur

Khajani, Gorakphur (Urban), Sahjanwa, Bansgaon, Chillupar

20

Deoria

Deoria, Bhatpar Rani, Salempur

21

Ballia

Balia Nagar, Rasara, Bansdih, Phiphna

Seventh Phase

22

Jaunpur

Jaunpur, Mugrabadshahpur, Mchhlishahr

23

Varanasi

Varanasi Cant, Rohania,

Total District:23

Total Constituency: 53

 Source: Compiled by IESAI Team

The phase-wise findings of the team have been uploaded on a regular basis on our website www.iesai.in. This report is an attempt to provide the gist of the popular or otherwise discourse of the UP Assembly election 2017 by supplementing them with the quantitative data and also comparing and contrasting that with the qualitative and narrative inputs.  

People’s Notion of Democracy and Elections

People during the time of election narrated varieties of meanings to democracy and elections. In this regard, it is interesting to note that 52 percent people think that democracy is for the promotion of good governance, whereas 19.5 percent people find democracy to be essential for development.

Table 2: Meaning of Democracy

Meaning of Democracy

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Good Governance

52

Protection of Rights and Liberty

8.5

Development

19.5

Peace and Security

8

People’s participation in the governance

3.5

Social Justice and Equality

3

Local and Regional Identity

1

Don’t know

4.5

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

However, it is interesting to note that despite people’s choice of linking democracy with good governance and development, they participate in electoral democracy otherwise. (Please see the Videos and transcripts of interviews uploaded on our website www.iesai.in). Although the people want development, consider it as the main constituent of democracy and talk enthusiastically about it, in practice, their voting preference is guided by largely identity-based issues. Also, for many of the people, democracy is synonymous to the leader of their community or who commands popularity. Although the status of democracy is more related to governance and development defined by the government and political party, the people’s participation in the process of governance is still not a big issue in the present Indian democracy.  

Table 3: Attributes of Democracy

Essential Attributes of Democracy

People’s response (in percentage)

Opportunity to change the government through election

39

Freedom to criticize

10.5

Equal rights for all

38

Basic necessities for all

10.5

Don’t know

3.5

No response

0.05

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

The data provided in Table 3 highlights that how a majority of people attributes democracy as the mechanism to change the government.  The team also noticed that even in villages the consciousness level of the people is increasing and they connect democracy with the right to criticize the government besides a sizeable number of people considering democracy as the mechanism to fulfill basic necessities. Nevertheless, for most of the people democracy still means electoral democracy in which people make and break the government. The other attributes of democracy is yet to be debated in Indian public spheres.

Why do People Vote?

On the question of ‘why do you vote’, people responded that it is their right. They consider their right to vote as their assets. The ground for voting preferences for people across the state remained development, performance and good candidate. Such reflections are evident from the tables (4 and 5) given below.

Table 4: Why do people vote?

People’s Perception regarding vote

People’s response (in percentage)

It is our right

46.5

For Identity

3.5

For better Governance

33

For Development

13

Only formality

3

Don’t know

1

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

People from different constituencies gave interesting opinions about the importance of voting (see Table 5). The Voting Narrative Index highlights how people connect themselves with their right to vote.

Table 5: Voting Narrative Index

Area

Voter/Age/

Occupation

Narrative

Allahabad

Suhash Yadav/55/

Businessman

“Yah hamari hai Jimmedari, Vote dale Sab Nar Nari” (It is our responsibility, every male and female must cast their votes)

Bundelkhand

Sukhram/70/

Retired Teacher

“Hum vote isliye dalte hain, ki hame pani mile: (We cast our vote, so that we could get water)

Lucknow

Seva Ram/45/

Rickshaw puller

“Ham garib gurban ke pas yahi ek adhikar hai…jo hamari takat hai, jo hamara daulat hai” (For the poor like us, this is the only right…which is our power, which is our capital)

Mohanlalganj

Gopal Rawat/52/

Farmer

“Eke vote se hoti jeet-haar, vote na ho koi bekar” (Even a single vote is decisive, none of the votes should go waste)

Jaunpur

Saroj Devi/35

House wife

“Vote dene ka mauka hame 5 sal me milta hai…yah hamara adhikar hai” (we get the opportunity to caste vote once in 5 years …this is our right)

Deoaria

Mansoor Alam/55

Medical Shoap owner

“Vote dalna jamhuriyat me sabse bada haq hai…hum jamhuriyat ke bashinde hai yah vote dal kar hi tay hota hai” (voting is the biggest right in a democracy… only by casting vote, it is decided that we are the citizen of democracy )

Bareilly

Sukhdev Bhagat/55

 

Yah loktantr ki sabse badi takat hai.. hum vote dal kar loktantr ko majboot karte hain (This is the biggest strength of democracy… we strengthen democracy by casting our votes)

Balia

Chandan pandey/42

Businessman

Vote dalna ek pawitr kam hai…hum kisi nai chij ka nirman karte hai, aur wah sarkar se behtar kaun ho sakta hai (Casting vote is an auspicious act…we create a new thing, and what can be better than creating a governement)

Rampur

Parvez/40/

busineeman

“Is mulk ke nagrik hone ke karan ye hamara farz hai” (Being a citizen of this country, it is our duty)

Aligarh

Sulekha/38

Teacher

Vote ka adhikar hamara hukuk hai, jise hum khona nahi chahte hai” (Right to vote is our right, which we do not want to lose.)

        Source: IESAI, Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

 But, as we dug deeper, they conceded that they would vote along their caste and religious preferences. However, caste is not the only criterion. This time, people are giving importance to the constituency level issues. The team while covering different public spheres and individual narratives found that in the very beginning people do discuss that there is a need of good candidate and people’s preference of a candidate is based on his performance and development agenda. Secondly, it has also been revealed that in the present election; there was no ‘wave’ of any political party.

It is interesting to note that the voters have increasingly getting matured to understand the politics of rally, agenda of development and other election planks. And these issues do impact the actual voting of 10-15% of voters. However, for the rest of the voters, the larger calculation still remains the caste association.

Table 6: Logic of Candidate’s Preference

Grounds for Voting the Candidate

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Performance

81.5

Caste community

10

Education

6.5

None of the Above

2

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

In some constituencies such as Bhatar Rani Constituency of Deoria, upper caste Thakurs (Rajputs) and Brahmans (the core BJP voters) had decided to vote for the SP candidate.  The reason behind their choice of SP candidate as that the BJP has given ticket to the weaker candidate and the BSP candidate belongs to the Kurmi caste. The upper castes do not want a Kurmi candidate to win the constituency; therefore, they are going to vote SP against BSP and not the BJP. On the other hand, the BSP voters are silent and reluctant to reveal their voting preferences. They argue that even if they vote BJP, the BJP will never believe that a lower caste (Jataw or Chamar) can vote for BJP. Therefore, whether Mayawati wins or not, they will vote for BSP only.

Thakur and Brahmans are equally divided among BJP, BSP and SP. Whereas Yadav vote is intact with SP. Other OBCs are very much titled towards BJP. But significantly, the young voters see Akhilseh as the prospective Chief Minister and a development man. All the agendas of different parties, viz., invoking Hindu religious sentiment by BJP, and BSP’s decision to distribute more tickets to the Muslim candidates don’t seem working in this election. Most importantly, local level group rivalries have played a crucial role in the villages to influence the mobilization. People belonging to one group or loyal to Panchayat representative get mobilized against other group. Such group level mobilization mostly happens on the caste line but also the factors such as muscle power or old political rivalry work. 

Politics of Crowd Management: Rally, Road Show and Jansabha

Organizing road show, rally and Jansabha have been the most popular strategy of political leaders to show their respective strengths in this election. The media coverage of the mob is mostly considered as an instrument to influence the large voting behavior and giving people a false sense of the so called ‘wave’. Certain parties get frequent and extensive coverage in television in comparison to the other parties. The team covered more than 10 rallies, Jansabha and road shows of mostly Samajwadi Party (SP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Bharatiy Janata Party (BJP).

It is found that in BJP’s rally large member of people are managed from the adjacent constituencies, more or less organized and largely dominated by upper caste people. The people gathered in BJP’s events are not to be confused with the actual voters. But overall, the programs led by Modi remain less effective as compared with Modi’s wave in 2014 general election and that of 2015 Bihar Assembly election. (See the sample report on Modi’s rally in Meerut published on our website). On the other hand, in the SP-Congress alliance rallies as reported from Hastinapur, Meerut and Varanasi, we observed that people had largely come from the same constituency and they were also found to be more enthusiastic. Whereas Modi targeted district level Jansabha in the starting period, SP addressed local constituency level rallies that seemed more effective. The people at different rallies informed that Modi in his speeches has not been able to connect with people like before, and was not discussing issues from the people’s perspective. However, the team observed that in SP Jansabha Akhilesh could successfully connect with people discussing the local and developmental issues.  More interestingly, in BSP’s Jansabha which did not get much media coverage were largely crowded by the core voters whose mobilization would have not been necessary because in any case their votes would go with BSP only. In short, the politics of Jansabha and Rally has worked more effectively for SP; whereas Modi’s three days’ road shows and rallies in the last phase could not get much appreciation.

How does Development Matter?

Development as an issue of election has been much effective at the level of rhetoric. Political workers and voters across their voting preferences all claimed that development is the main agenda of election and deciding factor of people’s voting preferences. They also claimed that development and employment are the most important issues, and none of the parties have worked for this. But, they also reflected that people would ultimately vote according to their caste lines. It seemed that, the idea of development is more important that the real development. An interesting case was observed, for example, Uma Shankar Singh, BSP candidate from Rasara constituency, Ballia district. He has done a lot of development that was evident by observing the roads and electricity in the constituency. People from other constituencies also said that, “Uma Shankar Singh has done a lot of work, there can’t be such a representative he is incomparable as a model of development. He can win even he contest from independent candidate. But this time he is also struggling to win and visiting people to beg vote”. The reason behind his struggle was that, BJP candidate has created and played the caste card and people forgot the development done by Uma Shankar and getting mobilized on the basis of caste and religion.

The local level regional polariasation was also evident. Upper caste voters from adjacent Muslim village reflected that, Uma Shankar has done a lot of work, but they are going to vote for BJP because, Uma Shnakar is from BSP and this party is supporting Muslims. They showed a photograph in which Uma Shakar had worn a green colored cap which symbolizes Muslim support. On the other hand, the areas where there has not been any development, people from those areas were more rigid on their caste preferences. However, they had a larger expectation from parties to bring development on those regions but voting would go according to the caste preference.

In short ‘development’ as the agenda of election has been discussed by everyone across the party and voting preferences, but it has not been sufficient to decide the voting preference of people in UP.  Nonetheless, people know that none of the candidates or political parties would bring development in future as well. The data shows that unemployment and law and order have been the most prominent issues apart from development.  

Table 7: What does matter?

Local Issues

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Law and Order

18.5

Unemployment

24.5

Electricity

19

Water

9

Development

29

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

Triple ‘Ds’: Democracy Development and Demonetization

The demonetization has affected everyone, but the people have responded with their party line arguments. BJP supporters, despite their short time suffering, they claim that it was good because of 3 reasons which are either elucidated by Modi or any other BJP leaders or shown by television media;

First, Modi has done a good work and thereby demonetization is good initiative; Second, because of demonetization black money has been exposed, terrorism and Naxalism has been curbed; Third, this has helped people to get money fast and money has been deposited into their accounts. However, interestingly, some of the BJP supporters also said that it was a good scheme but badly implemented, but since Modi has done it, so they don’t have much problem with demonetization. It was also observed that, even BJP supporters were not happy with demonetization, but they had to support the move just because they are the core voters of BJP and under the influence of Modi’s personality.

Table 8: Impact of Demonetization

Impact of Demonetization

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Too Much

54

Normal

33

No affect

11.5

No response

1

Don’t know

.05

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

 

Table 9: Do you support Demonetization

Do you support Demonetization?

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Yes

54

No

28

No response

11

Can’t say

4

Don’t know

3

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

It is interesting to note that, 54 percent responded said that demonetization has impacted people too much, and 33 percent say that it has had a normal effect on people but at the same time 54 percent responds that they support this move and 28 percent people doesn’t like the move.

On the other hand, the non-BJP supporters reflected varieties of responses which were contrary to the BJP party line argument. Their arguments are: First, it has really troubled and targeted only the poor and lower income groups; Second, the black money has become white money and the people who had black have already found their ways to continue making black money and successfully disposed off their black money; Thirdly, the demonetization has not solved the problem of the creation of the black money as such. However it has nominally caught up some scattered untaxed money.

Even the ideologically neutral people, for example engineering students from Gorakhpur Engineering College reflected that, demonetization is a failed attempt (An interview with the students has been published on the website www.iesai.in). It has not targeted the problem of the black money but filtered some untaxed money only. In short, across the region, despite their ideological and income status they found demonetization as a failed scheme which has troubled only poor and lower income groups. Interestingly, 60 year old Ramjiyawan from Mohanlal Ganj, Lucknow said in Awadhi language that, “jab notwe naay hai, to kaisan notbandi…note aaya kab ki notbandi hoe. Garib gurabe ke liye kaahe ka notbandi. E notbandi-votbandi sab amiran ka hai. Hum jaisan garib rahat rahain waisan abo hain. Hamaro jindagi me kabbo badlaaw nahi aya” (since there is no money, then what is this demonetisation? when did money come? then talk of demonetization?. For poor what is this demonetization? This demonetization and (de) voting are the concerns of rich people. I am poor, as I was. There has not been any change in my life. ). These kinds of reply came from the poor people across the states. For more detailed picture on demonetization, the IESAI team has covered debate in the Gorakhdham express (for detail watch www.iesai.in)

People on NOTA

It is interesting to note that people are increasingly being informed about the provision of NOTA. The active and well informed people having direct or indirect involvement in the social engagement do discuss about NOTA. Some of the respondents do talk about casting NOTA.

Table 10: NOTA

Do you know about NOTA

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Yes

50

No

24

Don’t know exactly

4

No response

1

Never heard

21

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

But the overall response on NOTA is not very encouraging. Sushil from the Aujhalia,village Ballia Sadar constituency, who has been very active in getting the road constructed and to establish a statue of Hazari Prasad Dwivedi in the village, but his effort has not been successful; clearly discussed about the failed vision of NOTA. Since he is thinking to caste NOTA and mobilize people to do so, but ineffectiveness of NOTA has made him uncomfortable. Ayodhya Singh from Khajni Constituency said that NOTA should have provision of right to recall in MLA. Right to recall which is applicable for Pradhan’s election, it must be made applicable for MLA and MP elections as well. Most of the people are happy to see NOTA as an alternative option but do not want to caste because this doesn’t have much impact on the formation of government. But interestingly, in Jhanshi, Lohia Chowk people were mobilized to caste NOTA because they have not got basic amenities. Thus, in short NOTA as an effective tool is still being evolved, if it gets more serious attention, this can change the fate of Indian democracy.

Winning Prospects of Parties

60% votes have been casted in UP Assembly election 2017. This election is important for all four parties. Modi has taken this election as personal issue. Similarly, this may be the last chance for Mayawati to save BSP’s politics. On the other hand, Akhilesh and Rahul have just started their political career. The victory of SP-congress alliance victory is important to justify and the future prospect of the alliance. In this connection, it is important to reflect the possibility of parties getting mandate. It seems that election has become less about which party is getting majority then which party is getting less seats.  

Since comparability of previous Lok Sabha election 2014 and UP Assembly election 2012 is a contested terrain and through too much light on the analysis of election result. Nonetheless, IESAI’s survey also reflects that in Assembly election regional parties like as SP and BSP gets more voters’ preference, whereas in Loksabha election national parties such as BJP and Congress are comparatively more preferred.

Table 11: People voted in Last Assembly Election, 2012

Whom you voted in the Last Assembly Election?

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

SP

51.5

BJP

24

BSP

21

Congress

1.5

Other

.05

Don’t know

1

No response

.05

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

 

Table 12: People voted in Last Lok Sabha Election, 2014

Whom did you vote in the Last Lok Sabha Election?

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

SP

33

BJP

48.4

BSP

13

Congress

2

Other

.05

Don’t know

2.5

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

The data provided in table 10 and 11 reflects the differences in voter’s preference which have been reflected in our other writings uploaded on www.iesai.in. But comparing Modi’s popularity in UP assembly election with that of Akhilesh, then our study finds that Akhilesh is more popular than Modi. The Modi wave shown by different media reportings is not getting translated into actual voting in favor of BJP because, crowd gathered due to Modi as the face of development and Prime Minister of the country.

 

Table 14: Chief Minister Figure

First Preference for Chief Minister

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Akhilesh Yadav

44.5

Mulayam Singh

19.5

Mayawati

13.5

Keshav Chandra Maurya

11

Rajnath Singh

2

None of the Above

2.5

Nor response

.05

Don’t know

8.5

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

 Table 15: Development Figure

Development Figure

Peoples’ response (in percentage)

Narendra Modi

43

Akhilesh Yadav

38

Both

12.5

None of them

1

Can’t say

5

No Response

.05

Total

100

Source: IESAI Survey Research, UP Assembly Election, 2017

 BJP’s Prospect

The upper caste voters are supposed to be the core vote bank of BJP. But it has been observed that certain percentage of upper caste votes have become floating and turning towards SP and BSP as well. Modi’s wave of course is at work, but less in strength as compared to 2014 Modi’s wave. Muslims are rarely likely to fall under the trap of BJP, which is also not the priority of BJP in this election. However, in certain areas, non-Jataw dalits are also shifting towards BJP. BJP’s strategy of arousing communal sentiment did not seem to work much in UP this time. The poor and the BJP cadre voters are under the influence of Modi’s personality and therefore the jansabha and rallies led by Modi have been very successful. The RSS cadre at the ground level is very active in creating pro-BJP atmosphere. If BJP becomes larger party, then it should not be considered the victory of Modi or BJP but the defeat of SP-Congress alliance and BSP. In other words, the fight between BSP and SP-Congress alliance will help BJP getting more seats in this election. The development model and nationalism have mostly rhetorical connotation, a what remains significant at the ground level is the caste calculation.

BSP’s Chance

The law and order issue is a matter only for the supporter of BSP which has little to do with influencing other floating voters in her account. The BSP’s calculation of distributing Muslim tickets has a mixed response. It has consolidated upper caste Hindu voters who otherwise would have also got consolidated. But how far it has consolidated Muslim votes into the BSP’s account is a crucial factor in deciding the fate of BSP in this election.

We found that the upper caste and rich Muslim across the region have turned in favour of SP but poor and lower caste Muslims in most of the regions have tilted towards BSP. It has been observed that the candidates of BSP have been strong enough, but constituency level politics has affected the voting behavior of the people. BSP in this election has focused more on the anti-incumbency and law and order problem in UP. BSP has been less successful in attracting OBCs and other floating voters. BSP’s fate is mostly dependent on how Muslim votes get consolidated in its favour.  The crowd in Mayawati’s rallies, Jansabha and other political activities were the actual voters and these events have hardly been effective in attracting the floating voters. Her programs have not got even the minimum media coverage and this has impacted the larger wave in the election to certain extent.  

In addition, the BSP’s vote bank – the people preferring BSP consider it as the question of dignity. The voters also reflected that even if they vote for BJP that will never be believed by the BJP people. Therefore, it is better that they stick with Mayawati because the caste identity attached with their voting preference is very difficult to get rid of.

SP-Congress Alliance

Initially, the SP-Congress alliance was considered to be the best possibility after the family feud within SP. But the people across the constituencies reflected that this alliance has not benefitted Akhilesh. It seems that this alliance is neither beneficial for both the parties either collectively or individually. Despite this wide-spread perception, the alliance has successfully tackled the issue of anti-incumbency. In terms of core and floating voters, the Yadav voters have been very loyal to the SP, whereas adequate Muslim voters have also been consolidated in favor of SP-Congress alliance despite Mayawati giving maximum number of tickets to the Muslims. However, other OBC castes are fragmented and mostly turning towards BJP. But in many parts of UP most of the Thakur voters have turned towards SP along with the bonus of some of the Brahman’s votes in some pockets. It will be really interesting to see how this bonus vote is going to compensate the alliance. Amidst all these equations, what is really heartening for the alliance is the recognition of Akhilesh’s good image as a development man among the voters and his firm appeal among the youths. The issue of law and order is only a problem for the BSP and BJP supporters. The larger narrative that comes out is that law and order is one area where Mayawati is better than her rivals including Akhiles. The alliance has the maximum possibility of getting more seats because Yadav voters are completely with the alliance besides a considerable number of Muslim votes have turned in the favour of alliance. In addition, in different parts of the state, certain upper castes at the local level may also go with the alliance. Furthermore, the traditional Congress voters which are around 5-10% will be in favor of the alliance. Despite all the skepticism and criticisms regarding the alliance and the poor position of congress vis-à-vis other parties in UP, people still have some faith in Congress. For instance,  the observation made by Sarayu from Mohanlal Ganj reserved seat, Lucknow that “Congress sabse purani party hai, uska pet bhara hua hai… baki partiya pahle apna pet bharegi fir janata ke liye sochegi”(Congress is the oldest party, which is contented… other parties will first serve their own interests, then they will think about the people) is noteworthy.

Sanjeev Kumar: Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shyama Prasad Mukherji College, University of Delhi. Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Mob: +919718640333

Pankaj Jha: Received Phd degree from the department of Political Science, University of Delhi. Email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.. Mob: +919871016609  



The IESAI team:

Core Team: Pankaj kumar Jha and Sanjeev Kumar

Editorial and Field Team: Devarati Roy Chowdhury, Neha Singh, Abhishek Anand, Raushan Kumar Sharma, Chandrakal Yadav, Shashank Chaturvedi, Santosh Kumar Jha, Ashish Vats, Lovely Basoya, Deepak Giri, Amresh, Vijay, Manish Kumar, Arun Kumar, Deepak Kumar, Satpal Yadav, Tripta Sharma, Babasaheb Kamble, Manish Kumar (2), Pravin Kumar Jha.

Technical Team: Ranjeet Kumar Yadav, Ankit Bhagat, sanjeev Ranjan, Rajeev Raman Tiwari, Jyoti Kumar

Media Team: Subhash Yadav, Pummy Singh, Sandeep Kumar, Pooja Nagar, Anish Kumar Singh, Sonu Upadhyay

Regional Team: Ashish Vats (Uttar Pradesh)

 

 

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